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The writer was a member of the Intelligence Committee in the US House of Representatives after September 11. It is the author of “Defense madness: Why did we fail to face difficult national security problems that make us less safe”
Washington shook this week, through reports that President Donald Trump’s great national security team used an unknown correspondence application to discuss sensitive military operations, adding a journalist in a way. While political repercussions are the focus of attention, the greatest danger lies abroad – as the allies may now wonder whether the United States can be trusted with their most sensitive intelligence. Loss of confidence can create these dangerous blind spots in discovering threats.
I saw directly how intelligence failure leads to a disaster. As a member of the Intelligence Committee in the House of Representatives after September 11, I helped in an investigation into two of the most harmful collapses in modern history – lost warnings before the attacks and defective assessments of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Since then, the intelligence community has worked hard to enhance the exchange and analysis of information.
But those gains are fragile. More than a quarter of the Americans were not born on September 11, and for many others, the urgency of that moment faded. Today, our attention was spent again – which is consumed by partisan battles, economic uncertainty, and political turmoil at home – while watching our opponents and waiting. Can we face another major attack on American soil? My answer is yes.
From Russian cyber interventions to Iran’s secret threats against US officials to the expanded cybersecurity in China, these opponents are already exploiting US weaknesses. Meanwhile, ISIS and Al Qaeda are still active.
The lessons of 11/11 were painfully clear: contentment with contentment called a disaster. The threats we face are real, and the prevention of another attack requires a decisive action. So what do the United States do?
First, wake up. National security is not just a government work – it requires an enlightened and participating audience as well. Americans must perceive the risks we face today and demand accountability from leaders to ensure security remains a top priority.
Second, we must double the participation of intelligence and intelligence. Live Eyes’s partnership with the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and New Zealand were effective in thwarting terrorist conspiracies against the United States. However, recent reports indicate that some allies re -evaluate their intelligence cooperation with Washington. Restoring confidence with our allies and strengthening intelligence agreements should be a national priority.
Third, the United States needs to strengthen the main areas of federal and state response. The Ministry of Internal Security was established after September 11 to work as an integrated defense against a wide range of threats. However, the Ministry of National Security has turned focus and resources to the enforcement of immigration, and we are witnessing immigration from skilled professionals, and other national security agencies. We risk losing the institutional experience needed to prevent terrorist attacks, while resources are converted into costly projects – such as the proposed “golden dome of America” - which fail to address the most necessary threats today.
Fourth, Congress must return to the game. Congress needs to restore leadership from both parties to intelligence and defense before other tragedy forces. Legislators must adhere to the financing of critical cybersecurity programs and combating terrorism, ensuring that national security does not sacrifice short -term political battles.
Finally, we must use all elements of national power. The National Defense Strategy Committee, which he chaired, also confirmed that deterrence is not only related to military power. It requires a complete approach to the government that integrates diplomacy, economic strategy, intelligence and technological innovation, in addition to embracing partners and allies.
I have live memories of walking towards the Capitol in the United States on the morning of September 11, unaware that the building was the intended goal of United 93. Only non -selfish measures of its passengers and crew prevented the attack, and sacrificing their lives to save countless others. At that time, Capitol included the Senate and Broadcasting Intelligence Committees, which operates on the basis of the two parties, united in its mission to protect the country.
Now, after more than two decades, we face new warnings and the risk of intelligence collapsing more dangerous than sharing sensitive plans on the application of unknown correspondence. The question is, will we repeat our mistakes, or worse than that, make more mistakes?
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