Fifty years after the fall of Bennah, history is heavily over the compassionate policy Conflict news

Fifty years after the fall of Bennah to the Army of Khmer Rouge the rebels, April 17, 1975 events He continued to throw a long shadow on Cambodia and its political system.

After it came out of the bloodshed and the chaos of the war of deployment in the neighboring Vietnam, the movement of radical peasants in Paul Pot rose and the Gen. Nol Nol, supported by the United States.

The war was five decades ago, as the Paul Pot forces were sweeping the capital of Cambodia and asking for more than two million people in the countryside with more than the property they could tolerate.

While abandoning the urban centers in Cambodia, the Khmer Al -Robe began rebuilding the country from the “zero year”, and turning it into an abnormal agricultural society.

In less than four years under the rule of Paul Pot, between 1.5 and three million people died. They will also erase cultural history and religion rich in Cambodia.

Many Cambodians were brutally killed in “killing fields” in Khamir Rouge, but they died much more than hunger, disease and exhaustion on collective farms to build rural Utopia in the Communist regime.

In late December 1978, Vietnam invaded along with the Cambodian fugitivesWith the overthrow of the Khmer Rouge on January 7, 1979. From this point on, the popular knowledge of the contemporary tragic history of Cambodia ended, as it was captured in the middle of the first decade of the twentieth century with the beginning of the trial of war crimes supported by the United Nations in Bennah, where the former leaders were equipped.

For many Cambodians, instead of landing to history books, the fall of 1975 in Bennah and the length of Khmer Rouge in 1979 are still alive and in good health, included in the Cambodian political system.

This loud veil period is still used to justify the long -term base of the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) in various forms since 1979, and the personal rule of the leader of the Pakistani People’s Party Hun Sen and his family since 1985, according to analysts. It was now the Higher Command that joined the Vietnamese forces to overthrow Paul Pot in 1979.

While the memories of those times fade out CPP grip on power He is firm as it has always been in contracts since the late 1970s.

“Making a political system”

On Qingur, a policy researcher at the Future Forum in Bennah, said that the ruling Pakistani People’s Party believes that “themselves are the savior and the country’s guard.”

“It explains the manufacture of a political system as it is today,” he said, noting that CPP has long has done what is required “to ensure that they are not at the head … at any cost.”

Most of the compounds are now a system that concerns peace and stability above all.

“It seems that there is an unwritten social contract between the ruling establishment and the population that, as long as CPP provides relative peace and a stable economy, the population will leave power and politics to CPP,” said On Chengbur.

He said: “The biggest picture is how CPP looks at itself and its historical role in modern Cambodia. It is not different from how the military establishment in Thailand or the Communist Party in Vietnam has seen its roles in their countries.”

CPP presided over a Vietnamese supportive system for a decade from 1979 to 1989, when he returned the relative regime to Cambodia after Khmer Rouge, even as fighting continued in many parts of the country where Paul Pot fighters tried to re -classify control.

With the support of those who were diminished by the Soviet Union in the last days of the Cold War and the economically and militarized Vietnam authority, Hun Sen agreed, by that time, to hold elections as part of a settlement to end the civil war of his country. From 1991 to 1993, Cambodia was managed by the United Nations transitional authority in Cambodia (UNTAC).

Cambodian ownership was officially re -established, and the elections were held for the first time in 1993. The last Khmer Red soldiers surrendered in 1999, closing a symbol of one of the most bloody conflicts in the twentieth century.

Despite the router forward, there were primary hopes for Cambodian democracy.

The Royal National Front in the independent, impartial, peaceful, and cooperative Cambodia party won the Funcinpec-in the elections non-directors in 1993. CPP faced power reluctance.

The late King Nureodom Sihanuk intervened to mediate an agreement between both sides who have maintained the peace achieved and made the elections relative. The international community breathed a sigh of relief because the UNTAC mission in Cambodia was the largest and more costly at that time for the World Authority, and the UN member states were desperate to declare their investments in rebuilding the nation.

The ruling in conjunction with the power sharing agreement with CPP and Funcinpec the participating ministers, the unstable alliance of the former enemies was held for a period of four years until it ends in a rapid and bloody coup by Hun Sen in 1997.

Mo Swachua, the opposition leader who is now heading the non -profit Khmer movement for democracy, said the island that CPP resistance to transfer democratic power in 1993 still hesitates throughout Cambodia today.

“The failure of the transfer of power in 1993 and the deal concluded by the king at that time … was a bad deal. The United Nations went because the United Nations wanted to close the store,” told the island from the United States, where she lives in exile after being forced to flee the intensive tyranny of CPP at home.

“The transitional period, the transfer of power … which was the will of the people, has never happened,” said Mo Socied.

The end of the war does not mean the beginning of peace

After the coup in 1997, the Pakistani People’s Party did not approach the loss of power again until 2013, when they were stabbed by the famous CamRP National Salvation Party (CNRP).

By the time of the upcoming general elections in 2018, CNRP was banned from politics by the less independent courts in the country, and many opposition leaders were forced to flee the country or ended up in prison on charges of political motives.

Unprecedented by an applicable political competitor, Hun Sen’s CPP continued to win all seats in the 2018 national elections, and all 125 parliamentary parliamentary seats were exceptions during the last general elections in 2023.

CPP is also parallel to China, the vibrant free press in the country was closed, and civil society organizations have been silent.

After obtaining 38 years in power, Hun Sen, the Prime Minister, in 2023, has overcome the space for his son Hun Manit-a sign that the political machine-led by CPP has eyes on the rule of a multi-generational breed.

However, new challenges have emerged in post -war contracts in Cambodia from relative prosperity, huge inequality and actual one party rule.

The flourishing micro -base industry in Cambodia was intended to help remove the Cambodians from poverty, but the industry instead burdened families with high levels of personal debt. One of the estimates set more than $ 16 billion in a country with a population of only 17.4 million and a GDP GDP of $ 42 billion in 2023, according to World Bank estimates.

AUN Christgport told Al -Jazeera that there are signs that the government notes these emerging issues and demographic changes.

The Cabinet in Hoon Manit is turning towards “performance -based legitimacy” because they lack the “political capital” that the public once granted to those who liberated the country from Khmer Red.

“The percentage of residents who remember the Khmer Rouge, or that has useable memories in that period, is shrinking year after year,” said Sebastian Strangio, author of Hun Sen’s book in Cambodia.

“I do not think (CPP’s legacy) is sufficient for the majority of the population born since the end of the Cold War,” said Strangio to Al -Jazeera.

Now, there seems to be room for a limited amount of popular opposition, an analyst AUN Chutegport said.

He said that the Kambodian farmers have blocked a major highway to protest against the low prices of their goods, which indicates that there may be a “space” in the political system of the opposition translated in societal issues.

“() Will be a hard struggle for the broken political opposition to flourish – not to mention the organization among them, and not to mention hope for winning in general elections,” said Unit Jagnor.

He added: “However, there are indications that the CPP still believes in one way or another in the multiple system and the limited democracy in the way it can be an opinion on Matthew and how much democracy.”

Speaking in exile from the United States, MU Sochua had a diming vision to place Cambodia.

In the same month that farmers needed in Cambodia, a former member of the Cambodian opposition was shot in Parliament in broad daylight on a street in the capital of Thailand, Bangkok.

The assassination of Lim Kimia, 74, who is a French dual Cambodian citizen, recalled the memories of chaotic political violence in the 1990s and early the first decade of the twentieth century in Cambodia.

Mo Sochaua said that peace and stability are only on the surface in Cambodia, where the water is still deep.

She said: “If people and space for people to engage in politics are not present, then what is dominated by peace is not peace.”

“The feeling of war, insecurity, and lack of freedom remains,” she told Al -Jazeera Island.

“After the war, after 50 years, at least there is no bloodshed, but this alone does not mean there is peace.”